USA tailored “Storm” using Sanader as a Middleman
24 Sata (Zagreb) - May 16, 2005
Translated into English by: Dakic Ana (the Serbo-Croatian original is available at the bottom of the page.)
Exclusive: “24 Sata” possesses transcripts which confirm that the military action “Storm” (“Oluja”) was carried out under the supervision of the United States.
Prime Minister Ivo Sanader has more than good reason to destroy ICTY chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte’s theory, in which operation “Storm” (“Oluja”) was preformed due to a joining of the Croatian military and political top leadership in a joint criminal enterprise. And he will not do that because of Cermaka, or Markaca, or to defend the honor of the “Homeland War,” or God forbid because of Gotovina. -- Sanader has to do it to protect himself.
“24 Sata” posses documents which confirm that the military operation “Storm” was carried-out under the strict supervision of the United States. But that is only the beginning of his troubles. We can see from the documents that Tudjman was an unconditional albeit reluctant subordinate to Americans, but these papers show another unknown detail to the public - the man responsible for relaying the American orders to Tudjman was Ivo Sanader!
So if we consider Carla del Ponte’s theory that “Storm” was masterminded by a joint criminal enterprise, prime-minister is at the top of the organizational pyramid. Makrac, Cermak and Gotovina’s roles in this action would be scaled down to just following orders that someone was issuing from far away.
Now everything depends exclusively on whose version of the “Storm” operation is correct: the ICTY prosecution which sees it as a joint criminal enterprise, or the United States which, judging by everything was very pleased by its results.
But let us start from the beginning. Documents confirming the American’s And Sanader’s role in the action “Storm” are transcripts from the meeting that late Tudjman had with his closest associates on the 7th of August 1995, on the third day of the operation, even though the actions were already done, it was the last day of “Storm”. (The press conference that announced end of Operation Storm (“Oluja”) was given by Susak the next day, on August 8th).
At that meeting, based on transcripts, there were: the President’s Cabinet Chief Hrvoje Sarinic, Tudjman’s adviser Ivi Pasalic, Chief of Croatian Intelligence Service (HIS) Miroslav Tudjman, Minister of Defense Gojko Susak, Croatian Ambassador to the United States Miomir Zuzul, Minister of Foreign Affairs Mate Granic, and his deputy Ivo Sanader.
At the first part of the meeting – which was certified as authentic by one of the participants – Sarinic and Pasalic report to the most recent information they have to Tudjman, which is mostly related to Bosnia-Herzegovina, the movement of Fikret Abdic’s forces, and disturbances in Bosnia. Tudjman concluded that “Alija is for political solution of Fikret” and further that he accepts his older son Miroslav’s suggestion to, as soon as it is possible, to tighten the border with Bosnia. Sanader is in the room at that time, but he is still not reporting the information that he is at the meeting to give. Topics that they are discussing are not related to strategic directions, but about refugees. Tudjman is not interested in the Russian initiative, reported by Sanader, that Yeltsin is proposing meeting between Tudjman and Milosevic. The President instructs Susak that “he has to go to Washington after all”, Zuzul says: “I agree with what you saying about going to Washington, but at discreet level, and I was, after last night’s message, I was told again it was from President Clinton…”
Tudjman: - Then we are not going?
Žužul: - Not to go with our units toward Bihac…
Tudjman: - Not toward Bihac…
Žužul: - Toward Bihac but not to cross the border. Last night I explicitly asked what about the south part. No problem if the HVO (Bosnian-Croat Army) goes there, but not HV (Croatian Army). Their suggestion was that together with the Muslims we work out Donji Vakuf and Jajce. That is their suggestion … Only that our army does not cross. It is about that story that with the help of the Americans there is going to be division of Bosnia. Maybe they have such thoughts, but they are under great pressure.
Žužul finished his statement with that hearsay conclusion, which was taken with contempt by Tudjman: “They wish that but dare not to do it”.
Žužul continues with impressions judging that the Americans consider without a doubt that they can “work together with us” that because of it they suffer “pressure from all sides”. Tudjman goes back to Russians and makes the point “that if they want to talk with Croatia they have to show some kind of initiative.”
But Sanader warns him: - Their statements are not as they could be, sharper…They are not what Serbs would expect.
After that Zuzul states that he could talk to “whom ever he likes”, Sanader steps at this stage, cutting him short: - By the rule [Robert] Frasure calls me regularly, and I talk from time to time with [Leon] Fuerth. I spoke with Fuerth two days ago.
Tudjman: - They must have been pleased how we finished it. Tell them that it is a 700 kilometer front line and with 100,000 people 2 or 3 incidents are small number.
Sanader: - I talked to [Peter] Tarnoff… More or less when it come to us it was decided with Tarnoff on one side, who was a secretary and worked in the name of Gore, but I think that all clearance came from Clinton. So that all of this was approved straight from him. I think that we can expect a continuous support form them…
Tudjman further instructs Sanader how to “explain to them that we have no intention to have actions in Slavonia” and that he should “talk a little about the Russian initiative”.
Sanader: - Should I call you in the evening? Lets us hold by the rule to talk around 15.00 and around midnight.
So Americans were together with Sanader, informed about all
elements of “Storm”. But their role nobody ever questioned. And? What now? Is
Sanader good prime-minister or a criminal?
SAD preko
Sanadera krojio Oluju
24 Sata (Zagreb) - 16.05.2005
EKSKLUZIVNO: 24sata u posjedu transkripta koji potvrđuju da je vojna akcija
Oluja izvedena pod strogim nadzorom Sjedinjenih Američkih Država
Premijer Ivo Sanader ima i više nego dobar razlog da, kako zna i umije, sruši
teoriju glavne haaške tužiteljice Carle del Ponte prema kojoj je akcija Oluja
realizirana zahvaljujući udruživanju hrvatskoga vojnog i politikog vrha u
zločinaki pothvat. I to ne zbog Čermaka ili Markača, niti zbog branitelja i
ugleda Domovinskog rata ili nedajbože Gotovine.
Sanader tu misiju naprosto mora odraditi da bi zaštitio sebe.
24sata posjeduju dokumente koji potvrđuju da je vojna akcija Oluja izvedena pod
strogim nadzorom Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. No tu Sanaderove muke tek počinju.
Osim što se iz spisa koji objavljujemo lako može išitati Tuđmanova neupitna,
iako očito nevoljka poslušnost Amerikancima, oni otkrivaju još jedan javnosti
posve nepoznat detalj – čovjek zadužen za prenošenje američkih naređenja Tuđmanu,
dakle vrhovnom zapovjedniku hrvatskih oružanih snaga bio je – Ivo Sanader!
Dakle, prihvati li se tumačenje Carle del Ponte da je Oluju zamislila i u djelo
provela zločinaka organizacija, premijer je pri vrhu na piramidi organizatora.
Uloge prozivanih ratnih zapovjednika Markača, Čermaka i Gotovine mogle bi se tad
svesti tek na operativce koji na terenu odrađuju ono što je naručeno negdje
daleko.
Sad apsolutno sve ovisi isključivo i samo o tome čije se viđenje Oluje pokaže “ispravnijim”:
Tužiteljstva, koje akciju vidi kao zločinaki plan, ili SAD-a, koji je, po svemu
sudeći, bio vrlo zadovoljan odrađenim.
No krenimo redom. Dokumenti koji potvruju ulogu Amerikanaca i Sanadera u akciji
Oluja zapisnici su sa sastanka koji je pokojni Tuđman s najbližim suradnicima
održao 7. kolovoza 1995., dakle trećeg i, iako su akcije već završile, formalno
pretposljednjeg dana akcije Oluja. (Konferenciju za novinare na kojoj je objavio
završetak vojne akcije održao je Šušak dan poslije, 8. kolovoza). Na sastanku su,
prema zapisniku, sudjelovali predstojnik Ureda predsjednika, Hrvoje Šarinić,
Tuđmanov savjetnik Ivi Pašalić, šef HIS-a Miroslav Tuman, ministar obrane Gojko
Šušak, veleposlanik Hrvatske u SAD-u Miomir Žužul, ministar vanjskih poslova
Mate Granić - i njegov zamjenik Ivo Sanader.
U prvom dijelu sastanka - čiju nam je vjerodostojnost potvrdio jedan od
sudionika - Šarinić i Pašalić Tuđmanu iznose najsvježije informacije kojima
raspolažu, a koje su vezane uglavnom uz BiH, kretanja vojske Fikreta Adbića i
nerede u BiH. Tuđman zakljućuje kako je “Alija za političko rješenje Fikreta”, a
nadalje prihvaća prijedlog svoga starijeg sina Miroslava da se što je prije
moguće uvede rigorozan nadzor granica s BiH. Sanader je u to vrijeme u sobi, ali
još ne iznosi informacije zbog kojih je na sastanku. Teme o kojima razgovaraju
više nisu puke strateške odrednice, nego pitanja izbjeglica, prognanika...Tuđmana
posebno ne fascinira navodna ruska inicijativa kojom Sanader počinje izlaganje,
a po kojoj Jeljcin želi organizirati sastanak između Tuđmana i Miloševića. Dalje
predsjednik govori Šušku kako će ipak “on morati u Washington”, a potom se
uključuje i Žužul: - Ja se slažem s tim što ste rekli o odlasku u Washington,
ali na diskretnom nivou, a meni je sinoć nakon one poruke za koju mi je rečeno
ponovno da je bila od predsjednika Clintona...
Tuđman: - Ono da ne idemo?
Žužul: - Da ne idemo s našim jedinicama prema Bihaću...
Tuđman: - Ne prema Bihaću....
Žužul: - Prema Bihaću, da ne prijeđemo granicu... Sinoć sam eksplicitno pitao
što je s južnim dijelom. Nema problema ako HVO ide dolje, ali ne po mogućnosti
HV. Njihova je sugestija da zajedno s Muslimanima odradimo Donji Vakuf i Jajce.
To oni sugeriraju.... Samo da ne prijeđe naša vojska. Radi toga što se nameće
silno ta priča kako će se uz podršku Amerikanaca sad zapravo dijeliti BiH...
Možda oni imaju takve primisli, ali imaju očito i veliki pritisak.
Žužul završava monolog polutračerskim zaključkom koji zlurado zaokružuje Tuđman:
- Oni bi to željeli, ali se ne ufaju dopustiti.
Žužul dalje nastavlja s procjenama kako Amerikanci nedvosmisleno smatraju da “s
nama mogu raditi zajednički” te zbog toga trpe “strašne pritiske sa svih strana”.
Tuđman se ponovno vraća na Ruse i poentira mišlju kako “ako žele razgovarati s
Hrvatskom, moraju pokazati kakvu-takvu razboritost”.
No Sanader ga upozorava: - Njihove izjave nisu kao što su mogle biti, oštrije...
Nisu ono što bi Srbi očekivali.
Nakon što Žužul kratko dobaci kako se on može čuti “s kim god hoće”, na scenu
stupa Sanader prekidajući ga: - U pravilu mene Fraseur redovito naziva i
povremeno se čujem s Feurthom. S Feurthom sam se čuo prekjučer.
Tuđman: - Mora da su zadovoljni kako smo to završili. Kaži da je to fronta od
700 kilometara, to je 100.000 ljudi bilo i prema tome to s dva, tri incidenta
sitna...
Sanader: - S Tarnoffom sam se čuo... Manje-više što se tiče nas bilo je
odlučivano između Tarnoffa s jedne strane, koji je sad bio sekretar, koji je
radio uime Gorea, ali su sva odobrenja stizala od Clintona. Tako da sve što je
bilo ovo, sve je odobreno izravno od njega. Ja mislim da sada i dalje možemo
očekivati podršku od njih...
Tuđman dalje brifira Sanadera kako da “im pojasni da nemamo namjeru izvoditi
akcije po Slavoniji” i naručuje od njega da malo “porazgovori” i o ruskoj
inicijativi.
Sanader: - Da vam se javim uvečer? Jer u pravilu se držimo toga da se čujemo u
15 i oko ponoći.
Amerikanci su, dakle, zajedno sa Sanaderom bili upućeni u sve elemente Oluje.
No, njihovu ulogu nikad nitko nije propitivao. I? Što sad? Dobri premijer
Sanader? Ili zločinac?
MRKVA PA BATINE
Kako je Hrvatska od američkog štićenika postala dežurno smetalo
Danas je državni tajnik Christopher objavio novu politiku naše Vlade. Aktivnije
ćemo se ukljućiti u ono što se događa u Bosni, neangažirajući u ovom trenutku
naše kopnene snage ili bilo što slično, uključivši se u pregovore kako bi se
zaštitio integritet Bosanaca, Hrvata i svih onih koji su žrtve srpskih napada.
Ako se Amerika ne umiješa, postoje dvije mogućnosti: ili se ništa neće
promijeniti, ili će Bosanci biti uništeni, a Hrvati teško ugroženi, izjavio je
Bill Clinton o angažmanu SAD-a u BiH još 11. veljaće 1993. godine. No u godinama
koje su uslijedile cijelim je nizom odluka Hrvatska, po svemu sudeći, prokockala
američku naklonost. Kronološki, prva je takva odluka hrvatsko načelno odbijanje
ideje da Amerikanci budu nedostupni Međunarodnom sudu za ratne zločine.
Uslijedila je odbijenica davanju podrške intervenciji u Iraku, potom “mlak”
angažman hrvatskih snaga u istoj zemlji te u konačnici “rušenje” sigurnog posla
Bechtelu.
objavljeno prije 5
dana - 12h Vlatka Hercigonja
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